A country that seemed to promise real political opposition during a parliamentary election campaign five years ago is set to vote again on Sunday – again without any.
Uzbek dissidents persist in their efforts to register their parties despite repeated refusals. And the top American diplomat in Tashkent continues to encourage the country to maintain the course of reforms.
But for many Uzbeks, true democracy remains a distant and unappealing prospect.
“What is an independent parliament? What is democracy? We never had either,” said Matluba Boltayeva, an entrepreneur from Andijan in eastern Uzbekistan.
Boltayeva told VOA that it was more important for her to now be able to visit relatives in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, which became possible after the government of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev increased crossing points and expanded borders. business opportunities.
“I don’t care about the members of the Oliy Majlis,” she added, referring to the Uzbek parliament. “I don’t want any political change, and certainly no opposition.”
Boltayeva’s sentiments resonate with many people in Uzbekistan. During VOA’s travels across the country, residents often expressed low expectations of their lawmakers. Many believe that the country’s laws are made and enforced solely by the president.
A popular blogger, known for discussing rural issues and who ran in local elections in 2019, is now afraid to reveal his name to share this opinion: “We deserve this regime. People want a strong man as a leader, who takes care of our basic needs. They don’t want to complicate things.
His views reflect the widespread cynicism about democracy that VOA is hearing in many cities and towns.
“Our people look at democracies like those in America, India, Kyrgyzstan and Georgia and ask themselves: ‘Why would we want this chaos?’ There is not enough desire for political or ideological protest here, which for people means disagreement and disorder.”
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and conflict in the Middle East have also shaped Uzbek perceptions, reinforcing the value of independence and stability – key electoral themes echoed by all five political parties, all supporting the president Mirziyoyev and his politics.
Alisher Qodirov, head of the Democratic Party of National Revival, who pledged in 2019 to transform his faction into an opposition, later told VOA: “How can we oppose the administration when it is doing exactly what we advocate: economic reforms, investments in education, health. care and infrastructure, while promoting our national values?
While Qodirov and others say parliament is relevant, social media users often disagree. They call the parties “puppets”, accusing them of simply promoting the state program rather than proposing solutions.
In an interview with VOA, the US Ambassador to Uzbekistan, Jonathan Henick, welcomed the recent televised debates, but highlighted the lack of transparency in Parliament.
“We need to see more because for parliament to realize its potential in the Uzbek system, it must be empowered and make its role known to the public,” Henick said.
The U.S. government does not support any particular political party, he said, “but we support the registration of opposition parties in Uzbekistan. I think the Uzbek people, the voters, deserve as much choice as possible.”
Both the United States and Uzbekistan are members of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE, whose Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, ODIHR, has deployed a mission to electoral observation composed of 14 international experts, 26 long-term and 300 short-term. -term observers.
The OSCE/ODIHR has already observed 10 elections and referendums in Uzbekistan, none of which were found to be free or fair. His constant recommendation has been to create space for political competition.
“People will feel more invested in the system if their representatives – those who talk to them and get their votes – are represented in Parliament,” Henick said.
The administration deserves credit for its reforms so far, he told VOA. “But I have also been frank about the weaknesses.” Henick cited the U.S. State Department’s critical human rights reports, which highlight problem areas in Uzbekistan.
“We view this government as a partner,” he said, stressing that Washington values its strategic ties with Tashkent.
Henick works closely with President Mirziyoyev’s office, now run largely by his eldest daughter, Saida Mirziyoyeva, whom he described as “a productive and competent interlocutor.”
“I do not presume to judge or pass judgment on the president here as to the people he chooses as advisors. It’s up to him,” said Henick, who also spoke positively of Western-educated ministers, seeing them as strong advocates for reform.
Like Henick, many Uzbeks say their society is in transition. They now expect more from their government, particularly local authorities. Even though the media environment is less dynamic than between 2017 and 2021, the initial period of reform, journalists and bloggers say they continue to push for public debate on key issues.
Henick observes that civil society groups have difficulty registering because authorities do not view them as partners in the delivery of public services. However, he believes that the impact of grassroots bloggers and activists is proof that Uzbekistan will shape its own democracy.
“If we are honest in our desire to support this democratic development, we should not try to impose a model from the outside. We should work with the individuals and organizations already present in Uzbekistan,” Henick said.
Khidirnazar Allakulov, who has been trying to register a political party since 2021, is convinced that Uzbekistan needs and deserves a real opposition.
At almost 70 years old and with his activist son in prison, Allakulov says he is “determined to fight against authoritarianism”.
He claims to have thousands of supporters “despite arrests and repression” and rejects popular skepticism about democracy.
“I would not push for change if I thought our people had no confidence in freedom and justice, which are essential to stability. Uzbekistan aspires to all this. But we also know that fear reigns,” he said.
Allakulov believes that the main reason why authorities are blocking his party’s registration is its opposition to “one-man rule and nepotism.” He believes that Uzbekistan deserves better governance – not through a coup, but through democratic elections.
Having recently renamed his group the Liberating Nation Party, Allakulov is talking to the international community, including the OSCE/ODIHR, but insists that no outside influences should interfere with the registration process.
Authorities maintain that Allakulov’s party failed to meet registration requirements, including obtaining the necessary 20,000 signatures.
“We won’t know the impact of political competition until we see it,” said Jasur Muminov, a graduate student from Tashkent.
“How to get there, I don’t know. But knowing our state, I predict two scenarios: either the government will introduce its fake “opposition party” to show the world “democratic progress”, or we will continue without any. But I will vote on October 27.”
